3. Content analysis: Key findings

This section outlines the results of the content analysis in a largely quantitative fashion. Key statistical trends in the representation of disability and people with disabilities are identified in the programme sample. The implications of those results are also briefly referred to. A more in-depth analysis of the results is provided in Section 4.

3.1 What proportion of television and radio programming contain representations of people with disabilities?

This question examined the percentage of programming featuring appearances by individuals with a disability as defined above (i.e. who were physically present or who were referred to (i.e. "represented") at length).

67 programmes out of a total of 804 (8%) programmes in the sample featured at least one person with a disability. As the table below shows, 39 of these were television programmes and 28 were radio programmes.

Table 2: Programmes featuring appearances of people with a disability
 

Number of programmes featuring a person/ persons with a disability

Total number of shows in sample

Television

39 (58%)

374 (47% of sample)

Radio

28 (42%)

430 (53% of sample)

Total

67

804


Since only 47% of the programme sample were television programmes (374 programmes), the fact that 58% of programmes featuring a person with a disability were television programmes shows that such individuals were significantly more likely to evidently appear on television than on radio.

Amongst television programmes, 10% (39 programmes) featured a person with a disability as compared to 6.5% (28%) of radio programming.

Figure 1: Percentage of television and radio programming containing representations of people with disabilities by media type

It is important to stress that the difference in numbers of representations between radio and television may be due to the greater difficulty in discerning the presence of a person with a disability on radio in the absence of visual cues. This is particularly so for people with physical and sensory disabilities. On television, a person with a physical impairment may be identified by the presence of a walking aid or wheelchair. The same individual would not appear disabled to a radio audience unless attention was explicitly called to this fact. This should be borne in mind as the reader progresses through the report.

3.2 What proportion of television and radio programming contain spoken references to disability?

This question identified the percentage of programming which included verbal "references" to disability and impairment but did not feature an actual person with a disability in a programme.

In addition to the 8% of programmes which featured a person or persons with a disability, a further 12% (95 programmes) made solely spoken references (i.e. discussed) disability. These spoken references were more or less evenly split between television (which accounted for 48 programmes with references) and radio (47 programmes with references). Several programmes featured a large range of distinct references: the 95 programmes referred to included 108 spoken references in total.

Table 3: Programmes featuring reference to disability
 

Number of programmes featuring reference to disability

Total number of shows in sample

Television

48

374

Radio

47

430

Total

95

804


However, bearing in mind that radio programmes accounted for 53% of the total programme sample, it remained the case that spoken references were marginally more likely to feature on television than on radio: 13% of all television programmes featured a spoken reference (56 actual references) compared to 11% (52 actual references) of all radio programmes.

Figure 3 - Proportion of television and radio programming referring to disability by media type

3.3 What proportion of all people sampled on television and radio programming had a disability?

This question sought both to count the number of people with disabilities who appeared (i.e. either in person or through being referred to) in radio and television programmes sampled and to quantify the significance of their appearance in relation to the overall programme sample.

People with disabilities accounted for 1.1% of people appearing in the total programme sample. The coders counted 7,223 individuals in total within the programme sample and 88 of these were identified as people with disabilities. 51 of these appeared on television and 37 on radio. Of the 5,011 individuals recorded by the researchers as appearing on television, 51 (or 1%) were identified as having a disability. For radio, people with disabilities accounted for 37 (or 1.8%) of the total of 2,212 people who featured. Given that people with a disability and spoken references to disability were more likely to appear on television, it is interesting to note that apparent people with disabilities constituted a higher proportion of the radio population than of the television population.

Figure 4 - People with disabilities as a percentage of all individuals appearing in sample

3.4 What proportion of programming is disability-focussed and what proportion is mainstream?

This question examined the difference between programmes aimed at a general audience (mainstream) and those aimed at a specific audience (disability-focussed). 5 of the 804 programmes (or 0.6% of the total) were specifically focussed on disability. On the television side these were made up of 3 News Bulletins for the Deaf (i.e. with Irish Sign Language) on RTÉ. On the radio side, two community stations were responsible for the remaining 2 disability-focused programmes. These were "Capability" (a programme from Ros FM) and "Equality Time" on NEAR FM. In addition, 1 mainstream show in the sample was considered to have been mainly focused on disability: 1 edition of "The Business" on RTÉ Radio 1, focused on the question of running Applied Behaviour Analysis (ABA) schools which offer one-to-one tuition for autistic children.

3.5 How many different people/characters (in the case of fictional/dramatic content) contribute to the representation of people with disabilities?

Taking the frequent appearances of some individuals during programmes examined into account, 72 separate individuals accounted for the 88 recorded appearances of people with disabilities. Cho, Seung-Hui, the so-called "Virginia Tech" shooter, for example, accounted for 11 appearances across 11 separate programmes.

In addition, the research identified 5 programmes featuring groups of people with disabilities where it was not possible to count the size of the group. For example, the edition of RTÉ Radio 1's "The Business" programme which included an item on ABA schooling featured an unspecified number of children with autism in the background.

3.6 In which genres of programmes are people with disabilities most and least often represented?

This question broke down into two separate but related questions. Firstly, this question categorised the appearances of the 88 people with disabilities according to the genre of programme they appeared in across both radio and television e.g. News/Current Affairs, Drama etc. Four programme genres accounted for the vast majority (88%) of all appearances by people with disabilities across radio and television. They are in descending order:

  1. News/Current Affairs (32%)
  2. Lifestyle (22%)
  3. Drama (19%)
  4. Comedy (15%)

Six genres accounted for the remaining 12% of appearances by people with disabilities: Music (1%), Sports (1%), Movies/Mini-Series (1%), Other, (1%), Factual (4%) and Young People's (4%).

Figure 5: Appearances of people with disabilities by programme genre

However, this did not necessarily reveal much about the extent to which particular genres focused on people with disabilities. This was because those programme genres which were most prevalent in the programme sample as a whole would almost inevitably feature more appearances by people with a disability. For example, since news and current affairs accounted for 45% of all programmes in the sample, it was unsurprising that it accounted for the largest percentage of appearances by people with disabilities.

Given this, the question addressed a second issue: which programme genres were most/least likely to feature people with disabilities? i.e. if one was to watch an hour of each genre within the sample, in which genres was one most/least likely to encounter a person with a disability? This produced quite different results to the first question.[4]

In this context, one is most likely to encounter people with disabilities in the comedy genre, followed by drama and then lifestyle programming. By contrast one is least likely to encounter people with disabilities in music programmes, followed by sports and then - strikingly given its earlier prominence - news and current affairs. [5]

Television and Radio

The spread (distribution) of people with disabilities across programme genres is not surprisingly very different in radio and television given the predominance of certain programme genres on radio compared to television. More specifically, although all the programme genres used in the research are well represented on television, radio is dominated by music, news/current affairs and lifestyle programming which account for 87% of all radio programmes in the sample. The implications of this are outlined below.

Figure 6: Distribution of people with disabilities across genres - Television

Figure 7: Distribution of people with disabilities across genres - Radio

As the pie charts above indicate, four genres - drama, comedy, news/current affairs and lifestyle - account for 81% of all television appearances of people with disabilities. Drama and comedy in particular dominate television, accounting in total for 55% of all screen representations of people with disability (despite the fact that the two genres together account for only 30% of the 374 television shows in the overall programme sample). In radio, however, 88% of appearances by people with disabilities occurred in just two genres: news/current affairs and lifestyle shows (and more specifically phone-in and magazine shows).

Both genres - news/current affairs and lifestyle - are also found on television. However, on television, they play a far less significant role in representing people with disability than the genres of comedy and drama. However, the prevalence of news/current and lifestyle in radio representations of people with disability reflects their prevalence in the overall radio sample where the two genres account in total for 73% of all radio shows (news/current affairs 60% and lifestyle 13%). Although music programming accounts for 14% of all the radio shows in the sample, it accounts for just 4% of the radio appearances of people with disabilities.

3.7 In which genres of programmes do references to disability appear most and least often?

This question adopted a similar approach to that asked in section 3.6 but was limited to references to disability (i.e. when a person with a disability was neither present nor referred to).

Figure 8: Reference to disability by programme genres

As with appearances of people with disabilities, four genres account for the vast majority (82%) of all shows on radio and television which only refer to disability and which do not include appearances by people with a disability. They are:

  • News/Current Affairs (39%)
  • Lifestyle (19%)
  • Comedy (13%).
  • Drama (11%)

The remaining 18% is accounted for by

  • Sports (1%)
  • Young People's (2%)
  • Music (3%)
  • Other (3%)
  • Factual (5%)
  • Movies/Mini-Series (4%)

Television and Radio

The spread (distribution) of references among programme genres differs across television and radio. Again this apparently results from differences in the spread of genres across the two media. More specifically, although all the programme genres used in the research are well represented on television, radio is dominated by music, news/current affairs and lifestyle programming which account for 87% of all radio programmes in the sample. The implications of this are outlined below.

Figure 9: Reference to disability by programme genres: television and radio comparison.

It is immediately evident that although references to disability occur in all genres on television, in radio just three genres account for virtually all (98%) of disability references. News/current affairs accounted for 62% of all radio references, lifestyle programmes accounted for 30% with music accounting for a further 6%. A single radio reference categorised as "Other" accounts for the remaining 2%. The fact that these genres account for virtually all radio references to disability reflect the fact that such genres dominate radio schedules. This is not to suggest that references to disability are evenly spread across television genres, however. Four genres - comedy (25%), drama (21%), news/current affairs (17%) and factual (10%) - account for nearly three-quarters of all television references to disability.

In terms of the likelihood of references to disability occurring in a particular programme genre, references to people with disabilities were more evenly spread across genres than actual appearances of people with disabilities.[6] Nonetheless, the contrasts between the programme genres remain stark. References to disability are most likely to feature in comedy programmes followed by movies/mini-series and then lifestyle programmes. References are least likely to appear in sports, music, and young people's programming (in that order).

It is also notable that two of the genres which were respectively more and less likely to feature people with disabilities - Drama and News/Current Affairs- are not significantly more or less likely to feature references to disability.

3.8 In programmes that represent people with disabilities, what is the level of appearance of the person/people with disabilities?

In order to assess the significance of the role/contribution of people with disabilities in a given programme, the research examined whether the appearance of a person with a disability in a programme was major, minor or incidental. Appearances across both broadcast media were categorised as major, minor or incidental by applying a combination of four criteria relating to:

  • the amount of on-screen time featuring a given character
  • the amount of speech/dialogue spoken by a given character
  • that character's role in developing the narrative, and
  • the extent of character development (although this largely applies to fiction)

Figure 10: Distribution of individuals with disabilities by significance of role.

The research found that in the 67 programmes featuring people with a disability on radio and television, 27 people with disabilities played major roles, 52 played minor roles and 9 were merely incidental. In other words, 69% of all representations were minor or incidental with the remaining 31% categorised as major.

Television and Radio

There were also stark differences in the roles played by people with disabilities on radio and television.

Figure 11: Distribution of individuals with disabilities by significance of role - Television

Figure 12: Distribution of individuals with disabilities by significance of role - Radio

Television representations of disability were much more likely to feature people with disabilities in major roles: 41% of those featured on television occupied major roles as compared with just 16% on radio. Furthermore, fully four-fifths (81%) of those appearing on radio were categorised as playing minor roles whereas on television the figure was only 43%.

3.9 What types of disability are represented?

The research categorised the conditions of all the individuals with disability using specific descriptions available (e.g. cystic fibrosis, schizophrenia, gambling addiction etc.) and then grouped them under pre-defined headings referring to categories of disability: Vision, Hearing, Physical Impairment, Mental Health, Learning Disability and Other. The categorising allowed for the possibility that a single individual might experience several forms of disability simultaneously. Thus, although there were only 88 individuals with disabilities identified by the research, they accounted for 93 incidences of disability. In terms of specific conditions, depression is the most commonly represented form of disability on radio and television (19 or 21% of the appearances represented depression), followed by autism (11 appearances or 12%) and addiction (9 appearances or 10%).

Looking at disability in more general terms, all of the pre-defined headings listed above were represented to a greater or lesser degree. The chart below outlines the relative prominence of different types of disability.

Figure 13: Distribution of people with disabilities by type of disability

Mental health clearly dominates with 32 instances (34%) of representations of mental health in the total programme sample. It is important to note that a third of all instances of representations of persons with a mental health condition were accounted for by news reporting on a single individual (Cho, Seung-Hui, the Virginia Tech shooter). Learning disability (15 instances or 16% of the total) was the second largest category, followed by physical disability (14 instances or 16%) and "Other" (also 14 instances or 16%). Addiction, vision and hearing disabilities accounted for 10%, 8% and 2% of the sample respectively.

Television and Radio

Figure 14: Distribution of people with disabilities by type of disability - Television

Figure 15: Distribution of people with disabilities by type of disability - Radio

In contemplating the distinctions in the range of disability types across radio and television, it needs to be borne in mind that physical/sensory disabilities are less apparent on radio. For example, coders noted the presence of six people on one radio show on NEAR FM, "Equality Time". However, although all six people were clearly identified as disabled during the programme there was no explicit or implied description of the nature of their disabilities. Physical impairments accounted for 22% (or 12 instances) of all those represented in the television element of the sample, but only 7% of those (or 2 instances) in the radio element.

In the case of representations of mental health across both media: representations of individuals with mental health issues accounted for 27% (or 15 instances) of all the disabilities coded on television and 22% of all disabilities coded on radio.

3.10 How does the representation occur? (i.e. stereotyped etc,.)

This question was examined using of the following subsidiary questions:-

  1. the tone of references to persons with a disability present on a show (i.e. whether light-hearted or serious);
  2. the extent to which representations of people with disabilities fell into pre-defined stereotypical categories (outlined below), and;
  3. whether the programme had a neutral, prejudicial or discriminatory approach to the representation of people with disabilities.

3.10.1 Programme Tone

This question sought to establish the tone applied to particular representations of individuals with disabilities, regardless of the genre of the programme featuring the representation or the broadcast media involved (radio or television). The object of the question was to identify whether there was a particular tone associated with representations of disability. Though one might anticipate that a sitcom would adopt a comedic tone in dealing with a person with a disability, this is not necessarily the case. Furthermore, magazine-style programming such as "The Tubridy Show" on RTÉ Radio 1 may adopt a wide variety of tones depending on the subject of a given programme item.

Figure 16: Programme tone with regard to representations of individuals with a disability

For the most part (76% of instances) the tone adopted with regard to a person with a disability is categorised as "serious". In only 22% of overall cases is a light or comedic tone adopted. This was particularly true of appearances by a person with a disability on radio, as the section below outlines.

Television and Radio

Figure 17: Programme tone with regard to representations of individuals with a disability: a comparison of television and radio

92% of radio representations were characterised by a "serious" tone whereas none of the radio representations were considered comedic. In this respect it should be recalled that the comedy genre is almost entirely absent from Irish radio. A lighter approach was far more likely to be encountered on television, where 32% of appearances by people with disability were categorised as "comedic" or "light". Notwithstanding this finding, even on television, 65% of representations were regarded as being characterised by a "serious" tone. Interestingly, the likelihood of a serious tone was also far greater with regard to references to disability, as the chart below indicates.

Figure 18: Programme tone with regard to references to disability

Figure 19: Programme tone with regard to references to disability - television and radio comparison

Nearly 40% of all references to disability were coded as comedic or light. However, there was again a difference between radio and television with radio taking a notably more serious tone. Of the 52 references to disability on radio, all but one (i.e. 99%) were characterised as "serious" whereas only 27% of references to disability on television were similarly categorised. Indeed, on television 73% of references were coded as "comedy" (34%) or light (39%).

3.10.2 Stereotyping

With regard to stereotyping, we should note that researchers were able to assign the representation of individuals with disabilities to more than one of the eleven stereotype categories employed in the research. Hence, although there were 88 individuals with disabilities in the programme sample, the researchers noted 119 instances of stereotyping. In 23 of the 88 representations (26% of the total), no stereotype was noted. The stereotype categories were:

  • Pitiable and pathetic; sweet and innocent; a miracle cure
  • Victim or an object of violence
  • Sinister or evil
  • Faking injury; lazy
  • Atmosphere - curios or exotica
  • 'Super-crip'/ triumph over tragedy/noble warrior[7]
  • Laughable or the butt of jokes
  • Having a chip on their shoulder/ aggressive avenger
  • A burden/ outcast
  • Non-sexual or incapable of a worthwhile relationship
  • Incapable of fully participating in everyday life

Figure 20: Incidences of stereotyped representations

The bulk of the stereotypes can be grouped into two categories: 41 instances portrayed individuals with disabilities as either sinister or aggressive (35% of all of the applications of the stereotype category). A further 45 were categorised as pitiable, victims or burdens (38% all of the applications of the stereotype category). These figures should be treated with some caution, however, for reasons which are discussed in more detail in section 4.9.3 below.

Television and Radio

With regard to comparisons of stereotyping across broadcast media, it is notable that 11 of the 51 people with disabilities (or 22%) that appeared in the television sample were regarded as non-stereotyped. By contrast 12 out of 37 (32%) of the people with disabilities on radio were categorised as non-stereotyped.

Figure 21: Incidence of stereotyped representations: television and radio comparisons

Of the 119 examples of stereotyping in the sample as a whole, 65 of these were television representations of disability and 54 were radio representations of disability. At a glance, the chart above suggests a number of significant differences: perhaps most obvious is the large number of representations (43 in total) categorised as "sinister", "aggressive" or "burden/outcast" on radio as compared with television. However, once again, Cho, Seung-Hui, the Virginia Tech shooter - who's activities were reported on in news bulletin after news bulletin by RTÉ Radio 1 - accounts for nearly all (39 of the 43) of these categorisations. However, since the sample did not include television material from the same day, it cannot be safely concluded that radio representations in general are more likely to adopt such stereotypes in representing people with disabilities. However, the results show that television representations are significantly more likely to represent people with disabilities as "pitiable", "victims" or "unable to participate". Even allowing for the fact that there were more incidences of categorisation as stereotyped on television than radio overall, it is notable that 33 of the 65 (i.e. 51%) incidences of categorisation on television fell into one of the three categories referred to immediately above. By contrast, on radio only 7 of the 54 (i.e. 13%) incidences of categorisation applied the "pitiable", "victims" or "unable to participate" stereotype.

3.10.3 Prejudicial/Discriminatory Approach.

The third element of section 3.10 asked whether particular representations of people with disabilities could be categorised as "prejudicial" or "discriminatory" (or neither and therefore neutral). The terms "prejudice" and "discrimination" are sometimes used interchangeably but there is a distinction. Prejudice refers to a tendency to pre-judge a particular individual or group unfairly. Prejudice may be passive, however, and does not necessarily lead to discrimination which refers to the actual unequal treatment of an individual or group on the basis of some aspect of their identity, be it gender, race, ability/disability etc.

As a basis for categorising representations of disability, however, such categories are difficult to use in practice. Therefore, the question sought to identify instances where a programme encouraged negative attitudes towards all people with disability (which was identified as prejudice) and instances where a programme encouraged negative attitudes towards a particular individual (discrimination). In practice, however, such distinctions are hard to maintain and the significant findings from this question related to whether a particular programme was, on the one hand, neutral towards a person or persons with a disability or, on the other hand prejudiced and/or discriminatory towards such individuals. As a result, the majority of appearances by people with disabilities and references to disability were not coded as either discriminatory or prejudicial.

Figure 22: Relative prominence of neutral, prejudicial or discriminatory approaches to the representation of people with disabilities.

Figure 23: Relative prominence of neutral, prejudicial or discriminatory approaches to references to disability

A neutral attitude was adopted in 62% of the programmes on both media where a person with a disability was present. Similarly, 72% of spoken references to disability (i.e. where no person with a disability was present) across both television and radio were categorised as neutral. Where they were evident, discriminatory approaches (i.e. those encouraging negative feelings towards a particular individual) were more likely to be characteristic of programmes featuring representations of people with disabilities than programmes which made only spoken references to disability. 27% of the former were categorised as discriminatory as opposed to 11% of the latter. On the other hand, virtually none of the programmes (1%) featuring representations of people with disabilities were characterised as prejudicial. This compares with the finding that of programmes containing solely spoken references to disability 12% were regarded as encouraging negative attitudes towards people with disabilities as a class (i.e. prejudicial).

Television and Radio

Figure 24: Relative prominence of neutral, prejudicial or discriminatory approaches to representations of people with disabilities: a television and radio comparison.

Use of a neutral attitude in representing people with disabilities rose to 69% (35 programmes) in the television part of the sample but fell to 51% (19 programmes) on radio. Indeed on radio 46% (17 programmes) of the programmes featuring representations of people with disabilities were considered discriminatory. However, Cho, Seung-Hui, the Virginia Tech shooter was again a factor here: 14 of the 17 cases categorised as discriminatory on radio related to that individual who, since he was simultaneously identified as a mass killer and experiencing mental health problems, was categorised as discriminated against (in terms of media coverage) explicitly as an individual with a disability.

In other words, in the absence of Cho, Seung-Hui, the radio results for representations of people with disabilities would have been overwhelmingly categorised as neutral. This is supported by the findings relating to those programming featuring only verbal references to disability.

Figure 25: Relative prominence of neutral, prejudicial or discriminatory approaches to references to disability: a television and radio comparison.

Here, 85% (44 of 52 references) of all radio references to disability were considered neutral. By contrast nearly 40% of television references were categorised as prejudicial, discriminatory or a combination of both.

3.11 What types of occupational role are fulfilled by a person/people with a disability? To what extent is the experience of disability relevant to the occupation of the person represented?

These two questions were designed to establish the kind of jobs people with disabilities were depicted undertaking with a view to finding out if there was any bias in the occupations represented. The spread (distribution) of occupations represented in radio and television programmes is outlined below.

Table 4: Representation of people with disabilities by occupation

Occupation represented

Number of people with disabilities employed

White Collar

2

Blue Collar

2

Farming/extractive

0

Retired

2

Health/Caring professional

0

Political

0

Travel/Leisure/Catering/Tourism

0

Education

3

Arts/Media

5

Police/Emergency services

1

Unemployed

0

Unemployed explicitly due to disability.

2

Under 16

11

Other (specify)

6

Clergy

0

Unspecified (unable to code)

31

Student

23


The fact that it was impossible to determine the occupation of the people represented in so many cases made it difficult to adequately address the questions posed. In 31 of the total 88 appearances of a person with a disability, the coders found it impossible to identify the individual's occupation because of insufficient data. In other words it was impossible to identify the jobs of 35% of the individuals with disabilities who appeared in the sample.

Despite this 23 (26%) of the individuals were identified as post-secondary students and a further 11 (13%) were described as "under 16". These particular findings fit well with the age profile of those people coded as disabled within the sample: 60% were estimated to be 35 or younger and 43% of the total in that subsection of the sample were estimated to be in the 20-35 age range, i.e. of third-level education age.

With regard to the second question - "To what extent is the experience of disability relevant to the occupation of the person represented?" - only two people with a disability in the sample were categorised as "unemployed due to disability". A statistically insignificant handful of the individuals who experienced addiction also referred to the fact that their condition affected their ability to carry out their job functions. However, for the most part, the fact that so much of the sample either could not be coded by occupation or were engaged in activities that might be regarded as training rather fully-fledged jobs (i.e. students) meant that there were very few "mainstream" occupations in the sample. Less than 15% of those individuals with disabilities who appeared in the sample were categorised engaged in "white collar work", "blue collar work", "working for police" etc. With such a low base to work from it is not possible to produce a statistically significant answer relating to the relevance of disability to the occupation of the person represented.

3.12 To what extent is the experience of disability relevant to that person's role as represented?

Question 3.8 sought to establish the prominence of the role played by people with disabilities in broadcast media. As such it took the fact of the individuals' disability as read. By contrast, this question sought to establish the extent to which disability constituted a major rationale for the inclusion of a person with a disability in a given radio or television programme. Researchers coded the significance of a given individual's disability as "central", "relevant" or "incidental".

These appearances were categorised by considering the impact of removing an individual's disability on their participation in a programme. If the individual's role was essentially unchanged when their disability was removed then their disability was coded as "incidental". If their role was substantially reduced by such a removal but not entirely irrelevant then their disability was "relevant". If, finally, their role was essentially reduced to nothing then their disability was coded as "central".

Figure 26: Relevance of disability to the representation of people with disabilities

In a substantial majority (79%) of radio and television programmes which featured a person with a disability, the disability was considered "central". For 70 of the appearances of people with disabilities (i.e. 80% of all representations of a person with a disability) their disability was "central" to their participation in the programme in question.

In only 13 occasions (15%) was the relevance of the disability coded as merely "relevant" and in only 5 (6%) as "incidental" or "irrelevant."

Television and Radio

There were variations in this regard between television and radio representations.

Figure 27: Relevance of disability to the representation of people with disabilities: a television and radio comparison

Of the 37 appearances by people with a disability on radio, only one was not coded as "central". In other words, in 97% of radio cases, the individual's disability was regarded as central to their representation in the particular programme.

On television, by contrast, the percentage of appearances in which the individual's disability was coded as central to their representation fell sharply to 65%. In more than a quarter (27%) of television representations, the disability was coded as merely "relevant" and in 8% of cases it was considered "incidental".

The overwhelming centrality of disability to radio representations again needs to be viewed in light of the consideration that many conditions (and sensory and physical disabilities in particular) are not evident on radio unless the attention of the audience is expressly drawn to their existence. However, the very act of so drawing the audience's attention tends to bring the fact of the individual's condition to the forefront of any discussion. Again, although it is impossible to measure this, it is possible that the radio sample featured many individuals with a disability who were not identified as such to the audience: i.e. cases where the fact of an individual's condition was incidental.

3.13 In which types of role are people with disabilities most and least often represented?

This question sought to establish the position of the person with a disability within the "hierarchy" of the show on which they featured. Thus individuals were categorised as either "experts", "elected representatives", "presenters", "person with a disability" or "subject of the factual/current affairs item".

Figure 28: Role played by person with a disability appearing in factual programming.

The results suggest that people with disabilities generally occupy a secondary position within this hierarchy. A total of 54 people with disabilities appeared in factual programming within the sample and 33 of these (or 61%) were categorised as "subjects of the factual/current affairs item". A further 20 (37% of sample) were simply coded as "person with a disability". In sum, virtually none of the people with disabilities noted in the sample were presented in positions of authority, i.e. as experts or presenters within the context of the shows they appeared on. In fact, only 1 person was definitely coded as a programme presenter - a person with Down Syndrome presenting a music show on Ros FM. None of the people with disabilities identified within the sample could be coded as "experts" or "elected representatives".

This presentation of people with disabilities in relatively passive roles was also evident with regard to five programmes in the sample featuring groups of people with disabilities, the numerical make-up of which could not be accurately established.

In only one of these programmes (a segment on RTE 1's "Nationwide" featuring a class of autistic children) was the group regarded as playing a major role in the programme segment they were involved with, despite the fact that segments of all five programmes identified as featuring these groups were expressly focused about disability-related issues. Thus, for example, one of the five programmes, "The L-Word" (screened on Channel 6) included a number of disabled characters in a dream sequence. However these characters appeared only briefly, had no dialogue and other than their collective symbolic function, played no substantial role in the narrative role.

3.14 Is there a difference between Irish programming content and imported programming content in terms of the extent of material including people with disabilities or references to disability?

Of the 804 programmes examined, 663 (81%) were of Irish origin, i.e. produced or commissioned by an Irish broadcaster. The remaining 151 programmes (19%) were purchased from overseas. (In practice this meant programming sourced from the US, UK and Australia.) All of the imported programmes appeared on television (and as a result we have not broken the results for this question into television and radio sections). The two charts below outline what percentages of Irish and imported television programmes feature people with disabilities or references to people with disabilities.

Figure 29: Breakdown of Irish produced/commissioned programmes

Figure 30: Breakdown of imported programming

Both appearances of people with disabilities and references to disability were far more likely to appear in imported television programming. 6% (39 programmes) of Irish programmes featured appearances by a person or persons with a disability. A further 10% of Irish programmes (66 programmes) referred to disability. By contrast 19% (28 programmes) of imported programmes feature appearances by a person or persons with a disability. A further 19% of imported programmes (29 programmes) refer to disability. In sum only 16% of indigenous programmes made any kind of reference (through representation of people with disabilities or by including a verbal reference to disability) to disability as compared with 38% of imported programmes.


[4] This was calculated by correlating the prominence of particular genres in the programme sample as a whole with those programmes featuring a person with a disability.

[5] This requires some explanation. If, when comparing the distribution (spread) of genres across the sample as a whole with their distribution across those programmes featuring people with disabilities, one finds an identical pattern of distribution (i.e. news and current affairs accounting for 45% of the sample as a whole and 45% of those programmes featuring people with disabilities), then one can say that a person with a disability is equally likely to appear in all genres. However if some programme genres account for a greater percentage of programmes featuring people with disabilities than in the sample as a whole, then one can say that people with disabilities are more likely to appear in any given example (i.e. programme) of that genre. Similarly, if some programme genres are less prevalent in the subset of disability programming than in the sample as a whole, then one can say that people with disabilities are less likely to appear in that genre.

[6] We have not broken “likelihood” into television and radio subsections because the scale of variation in the overall presence of genres across the two media is so substantial as to make direct comparison meaningless e.g., given the almost total absence of drama from the overall radio sample, it would make little sense to compare the likelihood of encountering references to disability in drama on radio only with drama on television.

[7] It is important to state that while the term ‘super-crip’ is occasionally used as a pejorative slang term, it is used in this research in the context of its established meaning within critical disability studies and the disabled community to describe a stereotype used to portray people with disabilities. In summary, the stereotype is a common means of framing disability stories (particularly in the news) whereby the person with a disability is portrayed as undertaking ‘superhuman’ acts e.g. sailing around the world. The use of the term in this research is not intended to devalue individual achievement but is rather intended to describe a stereotype whose impact is to present disability variably as; a challenge to be ‘overcome’ in order to be ‘normal’; something that can be overcome by individuals who ‘try hard enough’ and; something for which the individual rather than society has the primary responsibility.